원문은 여기입니다 : http://monthlyreview.org/2014/05/01/stagnation-and-financialization


Fred Magdoff라는 Vermont 대학의 교수님이 작성한 기사인데 수요부족에 의한 자본주의의 위기와 이에 대한 해결책으로서의 금융산업의 역사적인 역할을 검토한뒤 해결책을 제시하는 글입니다. 요즘은 이런 글을 보려면 Monthly Review 정도는 찾아봐야 나오는군요. 예전에는 아고라에도 수준 높은 글들이 많았는데 말이죠. 


Stagnation and Financialization: The Nature of the Contradiction 요약


현재까지의 세계 경제 시장 상황

- 마르크스에 의하면 시장이 독점적으로 흐를 수록, 경제는 침체(stagnation)하려는 경향이 강해진다. 

- 이런 상황에 이르면 경제는 자체적인 성장 동력에 의하기 보다는, 정부지출/전쟁/주요 기술 발전(자동차)과 같은 외부적인 요인에 의해 성장을 이룩하게 된다.

- 대공황 이우 60여년간 세계 자본주의는 위기 상황에 시달려 왔다. 경기가 때로는 좋고 때로는 나빴지만, 좋은 상황이 정상이 아니라 나쁜 상황이 정상이라고 봐야 한다. 

- 이와 같은 상황에서는 경기를 활성화 시키는 것을 둘째 치고, 경기를 유지하기 위해서만이라도 '버블'이 필요하다.

- 미국 입장에서 세계적인 규모의 낭비 및 주요기술 발전이 없는 상황에서 남은 유일한 방법은 FIRE(finance, insurance, and real estate)뿐이었다.

- 기업의 축적된 자본은 생산과는 관련이 없는 투기성 활동으로 흘러들어갔다. 

- 하지만 이와 같이 금융산업을 통해 경기를 부양하는 정책은 거품이 터질 위험이 발생하였고, 미국 정부는 몇 차례에 걸쳐서 거품이 시스템을 파괴하기 전에 시장에 개입하였다. 

- '거품'과 '폭락'의 사이클을 반복하면서 찾아오는 위기의 규모는 더욱더 커지고 범위는 넓어졌다. 

- 마침내 2007년이 폭락이후 이자율은 0에 가깝지만 은행들을 돈을 빌려주지 않는 유동성의 위기가 찾아왔고, 이런 상황에서는 예전과 같은 새로운 '거품'의 발생이 불가능하다. 

- 임금노동자의 입장에서 경기침체란 줄어든 일자리와 작아지거나 정체된 월급을 의미한다.


해결책

- 과거 자동차 산업 처럼 그 자체로 엄청난 고용효과를 창출 할 수 있는 기술적 진보가 필요하지만, 현재의 IT기술이 창출하는 고용효과는 미비한 편이다. 

- 국가적으로는 순수출 증대를 통해 경제를 부양시킬 수 있지만, 모든 국가들이 순수출을 늘일 수 없으므로, 시스템 차원의 해결책이 될 수 없다. 

- 좌파적인 해결책으로는 금융시스템의 개혁을 이야기하지만, 이것은 문제 원인의 해결이 아니다. 문제의 원인은 자본주의 자체에 내재한 자본축적 과정이다.

- 오늘날 가장 인기있는 해결책은 정부세입을 증가시켜 저소득층의 소득을 보전해주는 것이다.

- 피케티는 자본에 대한 과세야 말로 유일한 해결책이라고 제안한다.

- 어쩌면 보다 직접적인 해결책은 자본의 이윤 앞에 사람들의 기본적인 욕구와 환경과 같은 사회적 목표를 두는 것일 수도 있다. 


The contradiction between a growth rate that is too low for a "healthy" economy, while at the same time too high to maintain a sustainable relation to the planet, is not a contraction of our analysis but of capitalism itself

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오래간만에 찾아 본 월러스틴 옹의 세계 체제 분석 코멘터리입니다. 

이번 글의 주제는 증가하는 인건비 압력을 피해 캄보디아로 다국적 제조업체들이 이동하는 경향에 대한 글입니다. 


글의 주제는 여전히 같습니다. 계서적/착취적/양극화 된 현재의 세계체제 보다도 악화된 새로운 체제를 만들것 인가? 지금까지 인간의 역사에 없었던 보다 인간적인 체계를 만들 것인가? 갈림길에 우리가 서 있다는 노학자의 견해입니다. 


Commentary No. 351, April 15, 2013

                                                "End of the Road for Runaway Factories?"

Ever since there has been a capitalist world-economy, one essential mechanism of its successful functioning has been the runaway factory. After a period of significant accumulation of capital by so-called leading industries (usually about twenty-five years), the level of profit has gone down, both because of the undermining of the quasi-monopoly of the leading industry and because of the rise in labor costs due to syndical action of some sort.

When this happened, the solution was for the factory to "runaway." What this means is that the site of production was transferred to some other part of the world-system that had "historically lower wage levels." In effect, the capitalists who controlled the leading industries were trading increased transaction costs for reduced labor costs. This maintained significant income for them, if nonetheless lower than in the previous period when they still had a quasi-monopoly.

The reason why labor costs were lower in the new location is that the runaway factory recruited labor from rural areas that were previously less involved in the market economy. For these rural workers, the opportunity to work in these runaway factories represented a rise in real income, while at the same time for the owners of the runaway factory these workers were being paid less than those who had been working in the previous location. This is what is called a win-win solution.

The problem with this seemingly wonderful solution has always been that it was not lasting. After about another twenty-five years, the workers in the new location began to launch syndical action, and the cost of their labor began to rise. When it rose enough, the owners of the runaway factory had only one real option - to runaway once again. Meanwhile, new leading industries were being constructed in zones that had accumulated wealth. Thus, there has been a constant movement of the location of industries of all sorts. Quasi-monopolies after quasi-monopolies! Runaway factories after runaway factories!

It has been a marvel of capitalist adjustment to a long process of constant change of circumstance. This marvelous system has however depended on one structural element - the possibility of finding new "virgin" areas for relocation of runaway factories. By virgin areas, I mean rural zones that were relatively uninvolved in the world market economy.

However, over the past 500 years, we have been "using up" such areas. This can be measured quite simply by the de-ruralization of the world's populations. Today, such rural areas are reduced to a minority of the world's surface, and it seems likely that by 2050, they will be a very, very small minority.

To see the consequences of such massive de-ruralization, we need only turn to an article in The New York Times of April 9. It is entitled "Hello, Cambodia." The article describes the "flocking" to Cambodia of factories that are fleeing China because of the rise of wage-levels in China, a previous recipient of such runaway factories. However, the article continues, "multinational companies are finding that they can run from China's rising wages but cannot truly hide."

The problem for the multinationals is that the incredible expansion of communications has caused the end of the win-win situation. Workers in Cambodia today have begun syndical action after only a few years, not after twenty-five. There are strikes and pressure for higher wages and benefits, which they are receiving. This of course reduces the value for the multinationals of moving to Cambodia, or Myanmar, or Vietnam, or the Philippines. It now turns out that the savings of moving from China are not all that great.

The Times article notes that "some factories have moved anyway, at the request of Western buyers who fear depending on a single country." Conclusion of a manufacturing consultant: There are risks of moving to Cambodia, but "there's a risk in staying in China, too." In any case, is there somewhere to move the runaway factory? Or is Cambodia the end of the line?

The bottom line is that the combination of already enormous and still increasing de-ruralization and the rapidity with which workers can learn of their relatively low wages and therefore begin to take syndical action has resulted in a continuing rise in the pay levels of the least skilled workers, and therefore a worldwide negative pressure of the possibilities of accumulating capital. This is not good news for the large multinationals.

This is all one element in what has become the structural crisis of the modern world-system. We are experiencing a combination of ever-increasing austerity pressures on the 99% with a capitalist system that is no longer so profitable for capitalists. This combination means that capitalism as a world-system is on its way out.

Both sides are seeking alternatives - but obviously different ones. We are collectively facing a "choice" over the next decades. One possibility is a new non-capitalist system that replicates (and perhaps worsens) the three essential features of capitalism - hierarchy, exploitation, and polarization. The other possibility is a new system that is relatively democratic and relatively egalitarian. The latter system, one should underline, has never existed in the history of the world. But it is possible.

In any case, Cambodia is not the future of the modern world-system. It represents rather the last vestiges of a mechanism that no longer performs its task in salvaging capitalism.

by Immanuel Wallerstein

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늘 하던 이야기입니다. 미국은 몰락하고 있고, 우리 앞에 기다리고 있는 것은 유동적이면서 예측하기 힘든 새로운 시대라고..

A decade ago, when I and some others spoke of U.S. decline in the world-system, we were met at best with condescending smiles at our naivety. Was not the United States the lone superpower, involved in every remote corner of theearth,and getting its way most of the time? This was a view shared all along the political spectrum. Today, the view that the United States has declined, has seriously declined, is a banality. Everyone is saying it, except for a few U.S. politicians who fear they will be blamed for the bad news of the decline if they discuss it. The fact is that just about everyone believes today in the reality of the decline.

What is however far less discussed is what have been, what will be the consequences worldwide of this decline. The decline has economic roots of course. But the loss of a quasi-monopoly of geopolitical power, which the United States once exercised, has major political consequences everywhere.

Let us start with an anecdote recounted in the Business Section ofThe New York Timeson August 7. A money manager in Atlanta "hit the panic button" on behalf of two wealthy clients who told him to sell all of their stocks and invest the money in a somewhat insulatedmutual fund. The manager said that, in 22 years of doing his business, he had never had such a request before. "This was unprecedented." The newspaper called this the Wall Street equivalent of the "nuclear option." It went against the sanctified traditional advice of a "steady-as-you-go approach" to swings in the market.Standard & Poor's has reduced the credit rating of the United States from AAA to AA+, also "unprecedented." But this was a quite mild action. The equivalent agency in China, Dagong, had already reduced U.S. creditworthiness last November to A+, and now has reduced it to A-. The Peruvian economist, Oscar Ugarteche, has declared the United States a "banana republic." He says that the United States "has chosen the policy of the ostrich, hoping thereby not to scare away hopes [for improvement]." And in Lima this past week, the assembled Finance Ministers of the South American states have been discussing urgently how best to insulate itself from the effects of U.S. economic decline.

The problem for everyone is that it is very difficult to insulate oneself from the effects of U.S. decline. Despite the severity of its economic and political decline, the United States remains a giant on the world scene, and anything that happens there still makes big waves everywhere else.To be sure, the biggest impact of U.S. decline is and will continue to be on the United States itself. Politicians and journalists are talking openly of the "dysfunctionality" of the U.S. political situation. But what else could it possibly be but dysfunctional? The most elementary fact is that U.S. citizens are stunned by the mere fact of decline. It's not only that U.S. citizens are themselves suffering materially from the decline, and are deeply afraid that they will suffer even more as time goes on. It's that they have deeply believed that the United States is the "chosen nation" designed by God or history to be the model nation in the world. They are still being assured by President Obama that the United States is a "triple-A" country.

The problem for Obama and for all the politicians is that very few people still believe that. The shock to national pride and self-image is formidable, and it is sudden as well. The country is coping very badly with this shock. The population is seeking scapegoats and lashing out wildly, and not too intelligently, at the presumed guilty parties. The last hope seems to be that someone is at fault, and therefore the remedy is to change the people in authority.

In general, the federal authorities are seen as the ones to blame - the president, the Congress, both major parties. The trend is very strong towards more arms at the level of the individual and a cutback of military involvement outside the United States. Blaming everything on the people in Washington leads to political volatility and to local internecine struggles, ever more violent. The United States today is, I would say, one of the least stable political entities in the world-system. This makes the United States not only a country whose political struggles are dysfunctional, but one unable to wield much real power on the world scene. So, there is a major drop in the belief in the United States, and its president, by traditional U.S. allies abroad, and by the president's political base at home. The newspapers are full of analyses of the political errors of Barack Obama. Who can argue with this? I could easily list dozens of decisions Obama has made which, in my view, were wrong, cowardly, and sometimes downright immoral. But I do wonder whether, if he had made all the much better decisions his base thinks he ought to have made, it would have made much difference in the outcome. The decline of the United States is not the result of poor decisions by its president, but of structural realities in the world-system. Obama may be the most powerful individual in the world still, but no president of the United States is or could be today as powerful as the presidents of yesteryear.

We have moved into an era of acute, constant, and rapid fluctuations - in exchange rates of currency, in rates of employment, in geopolitical alliances, in ideological definitions of the situation. The extent and rapidity of these fluctuations leads to an impossibility of short-run predictions. And without some reasonable stability of short-term (three years or so) predictions, the world-economy is paralyzed. Everyone will have to be more protectionist and inward-looking. And standards of living will go down. It is not a pretty picture. And although there are many, many positive aspects for many countries because of U.S. decline, it is not certain that, in the wild rocking of the world boat, other countries will in fact be able to draw the profit they hope from this new situation.It is time for much more sober long-term analysis, much clearer moral judgments about what the analysis reveals, and much more effective political action in the effort, over the next 20-30 years, to create a better world-system than the one in which we are all stuck today.

byImmanuelWallerstein

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그 동안 계속해서 정부 적자를 늘려야 한다는 주장을 했던 크루그먼 교수가 작금의 주가 폭락에 대해서 어떻게 생각하는지 알아보기 위해 NYTimes를 들어가 봤더니 아래와 같은 사설을 남겼네요.

요약하자면

- 미국은 여전히 경기침체이다. 이를 외면하지 말아야 한다.

- 가장 중요한 것은 일자리 이다. 일자리가 늘어나지 않는 경기지표상의 회복은 일시적인 것이다.

- 정부 적자가 아니라 일자리 창출이 가장 우선순위에 있어야 한다.

크루그먼 교수는 1,2차 양적완화가 충분치 못했다고 보는 것 같습니다. 구체적으로 어떤 정책을 써야 하는지는 좀더 찾아봐야겠네요. 현 시점에서 미국이 일자리를 늘리기 위해 무엇을 할 수 있을까요? 어쩌면 구조적인 변혁을 통해 가능할지도 모르겠습니다. 우석훈 교수가 이야기한 제 3부문의 확대라는 식으로...

The Wrong Worries

In case you had any doubts, Thursday’s more than 500-point plunge in the Dow Jones industrial average and the drop in interest rates to near-record lows confirmed it: The economy isn’t recovering, and Washington has been worrying about the wrong things.

Fred R. Conrad/The New York Times

Paul Krugman

Related

Related in Opinion

It’s not just that the threat of a double-dip recession has become very real. It’s now impossible to deny the obvious, which is that we are not now and have never been on the road to recovery.

For two years, officials at the Federal Reserve, international organizations and, sad to say, within the Obama administration have insisted that the economy was on the mend. Every setback was attributed to temporary factors — It’s the Greeks! It’s the tsunami! — that would soon fade away. And the focus of policy turned from jobs and growth to the supposedly urgent issue of deficit reduction.

But the economy wasn’t on the mend.

Yes, officially the recession ended two years ago, and the economy did indeed pull out of a terrifying tailspin. But at no point has growth looked remotely adequate given the depth of the initial plunge. In particular, when employment falls as much as it did from 2007 to 2009, you need a lot of job growth to make up the lost ground. And that just hasn’t happened.

Consider one crucial measure, the ratio of employment to population. In June 2007, around 63 percent of adults were employed. In June 2009, the official end of the recession, that number was down to 59.4. As of June 2011, two years into the alleged recovery, the number was: 58.2.

These may sound like dry statistics, but they reflect a truly terrible reality. Not only are vast numbers of Americans unemployed or underemployed, for the first time since the Great Depression many American workers are facing the prospect of very-long-term — maybe permanent — unemployment. Among other things, the rise in long-term unemployment will reduce future government revenues, so we’re not even acting sensibly in purely fiscal terms. But, more important, it’s a human catastrophe.

And why should we be surprised at this catastrophe? Where was growth supposed to come from? Consumers, still burdened by the debt that they ran up during the housing bubble, aren’t ready to spend. Businesses see no reason to expand given the lack of consumer demand. And thanks to that deficit obsession, government, which could and should be supporting the economy in its time of need, has been pulling back.

Now it looks as if it’s all about to get even worse. So what’s the response?

To turn this disaster around, a lot of people are going to have to admit, to themselves at least, that they’ve been wrong and need to change their priorities, right away.

Of course, some players won’t change. Republicans won’t stop screaming about the deficit because they weren’t sincere in the first place: Their deficit hawkery was a club with which to beat their political opponents, nothing more — as became obvious whenever any rise in taxes on the rich was suggested. And they’re not going to give up that club.

But the policy disaster of the past two years wasn’t just the result of G.O.P. obstructionism, which wouldn’t have been so effective if the policy elite — including at least some senior figures in the Obama administration — hadn’t agreed that deficit reduction, not job creation, should be our main priority. Nor should we let Ben Bernanke and his colleagues off the hook: The Fed has by no means done all it could, partly because it was more concerned with hypothetical inflation than with real unemployment, partly because it let itself be intimidated by the Ron Paul types.

Well, it’s time for all that to stop. Those plunging interest rates and stock prices say that the markets aren’t worried about either U.S. solvency or inflation. They’re worried about U.S. lack of growth. And they’re right, even if on Wednesday the White House press secretary chose, inexplicably, to declare that there’s no threat of a double-dip recession.

Earlier this week, the word was that the Obama administration would “pivot” to jobs now that the debt ceiling has been raised. But what that pivot would mean, as far as I can tell, was proposing some minor measures that would be more symbolic than substantive. And, at this point, that kind of proposal would just make President Obama look ridiculous.

The point is that it’s now time — long past time — to get serious about the real crisis the economy faces. The Fed needs to stop making excuses, while the president needs to come up with real job-creation proposals. And if Republicans block those proposals, he needs to make a Harry Truman-style campaign against the do-nothing G.O.P.

This might or might not work. But we already know what isn’t working: the economic policy of the past two years — and the millions of Americans who should have jobs, but don’t.

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